![]() This paper focuses on Donald Trump’s personal Twitter channel in order to analyse the contents of his activity during the period ranging from November 2016 (when he won the presidential election) and November 2017 he made a total of 1.998 tweets that have set the tone, one way or another, of the political communication of his government staff throughout the past year. Is this a personal branding strategy? Does it affect US public diplomacy? The working hypothesis is that President Trump uses the Twitter social network as an instrument that is not linked to the country’s public diplomacy strategy but as an element of his personal activity. ![]() The goal is to determine how Trump uses Twitter as a political communication tool. For this reason, it is interesting to know how his Twitter channel is integrated in US public diplomacy strategy, how the President interacts through it, how his practices have changed after his assumption of office and what networks are active throughout his period of activity. This unexpected behaviour creates tensions both in internal and global politics. The Twitter channel breeds uncertainty because Donald Trump is the first US President to fully communicate with the public in a personal manner, overturning the traditional models of political communication in terms of the formality of language and the frequent use of negative sentiment. Given this new political and diplomatic scenario, several issues have arisen that need to be considered to understand such a new phenomenon of political communication: is this Trump’s personal branding strategy? And does it affect US public diplomacy? In order to obtain answers we have focused on the President’s personal Twitter channel to analyse the content of his activity and try to understand how US public diplomacy is affected by the Trump Brand. Summaryĭuring 2017, Donald Trump’s personal Twitter channel has been the main information resource chosen by the US President to generate opinion and sentiment on US civil society and has become the White House’s public diplomacy tool to have generated the most headlines in the media. To be sure, he’d still try to challenge the Georgia case if he retakes the White House, most likely arguing, among other things, that the presidency immunizes him from state charges.īut whatever the result of any novel challenges he’d raise, the fact remains that a President Trump wouldn’t be able to do the legal equivalent of snapping his fingers and killing the Georgia case like he would with the federal cases.Donald Trump has become the first US President to actively use his personal Twitter channel regardless of any US public diplomacy strategy, with a direct impact on the public policies defined by the US government and the White House. Of course, Trump isn’t looking for forgiveness, employment or education - he’s looking for a way out of charges immediately, as anyone would. (“It may serve as a means for a petitioner to advance in employment or education,” the board explains.) The board can also commute (or shorten) sentences to time served. All a state pardon is, the board’s site says, “is an order of official forgiveness” that doesn’t erase crimes from the record. So even if Trump (or another Republican) were elected president, Georgia’s pardon process doesn’t appear to provide the instant relief Trump would seek on the federal level. ![]() The form also says applicants “cannot have any pending charges.” ![]() will be considered only if the applicant has completed his/her full sentence obligation, including serving any probated sentence and paying any fine, and has been free of supervision (custodial or non-custodial) and/or criminal involvement for at least five consecutive years thereafter as well as five consecutive years immediately prior to applying. That’s because the pardon application says: Brian Kemp and his predecessors.Įven if the board were inclined to grant Trump a pardon, however, it wouldn’t seem to do him much good any time soon. The current board was appointed by a mix of Republican Gov. Rather, under the state constitution, there’s a board of pardons and paroles, with five members appointed by the governor and confirmed by the state Senate to staggered, seven-year terms. And unlike in other states, such as New York, clemency isn’t up to the governor in Georgia, either - not directly, anyway. ![]()
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